Korea’s Yoon received American hearts, however issues linger over nuclear umbrella

SEOUL — South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol wowed Americans along with his karaoke recreation throughout his six-day journey to the U.S., however issues have been raised again residence concerning the nuclear assurances offered to Seoul by President Biden’s group.

Still the go to, which ended Sunday, marked a U-turn for Mr. Yoon — who some take into account stuffy and who made some diplomatic gaffes early in his tenure. He turned up the allure by singing the opening strains of Don McLean’s basic “American Pie” on the White House’s state dinner and later informed Americans what they like to listen to in a joint speech to Congress.

The music was clearly deliberate, as Mr. Biden introduced Mr. Yoon with a signed McLean guitar, however the presidential double act was performed as an impromptu second. VIPs in attendance appeared astonished and delighted.

Mr. Yoon’s vocals had been probably honed in periods in Seoul karaoke saloons (noraebang or “song rooms” in Korean). It is a part of an after-hours Korean custom by which colleagues bond over grilled pork, copious booze and sizzling mics.

“When drinking, we always had to be ready to sing a song — there was a bit of peer pressure to sing on any drinking occasion, so some people practiced it as a survival skill,” mentioned Yang Sun-mook, a former adviser on overseas affairs to the opposition Democratic Party of Korea. “If you want to be an excellent boss you have to excel in some entertaining stuff: Either you should sing or dance great, or be a stand-up comedian — it’s a gung ho kind of style in Korea.”

With this yr marking the seventieth anniversary of the bilateral alliance — courting to 1953, the yr the Korean War armistice was signed — the feel-good vibes continued in Mr. Yoon’s deal with on Capitol Hill.

Mr. Yoon talked up wartime U.S. heroism and of the liberty, democracy and prosperity it helped to start in Korea.

“Whoever wrote the speech deserves a bonus: They really understand the Americans,” mentioned Lynn Turk, a retired U.S. diplomat with broad expertise of Korea. “It hit all the notes that Americans think about Korea, and what they want to believe about history and the alliance.”

Others had been important.

“I did not see a Korean identity. I saw a U.S. identity to appease a U.S. audience,” famous tutorial Moon Chung-in mentioned of Mr. Yoon’s speech. “It was good, but he is the president of Korea!”

Substance or symbolism?

There had been additionally combined reactions with regard to tangibles. Key outcomes had been set forth within the Washington Declaration, which clearly sought to allay issues which have risen in South Korea.

“There are fears about extended deterrence, and the fears about abandonment and entrapment that go with any alliance,” mentioned Dan Pinkston, a Seoul-based worldwide relations skilled with Troy University.

A standout within the declaration is the institution of a bilateral Nuclear Consultative Group. The declaration states: “The United States commits to make every effort to consult [with South Korea] on any possible nuclear weapons employment on the Korean Peninsula.”

The doc additionally makes clear that there might be “joint execution and planning for [South Korean] conventional support to U.S. nuclear operations in a contingency.”

With Seoul not possessing nuclear arms, the 2 events have “established a new bilateral, interagency table-top simulation to strengthen our joint approach to planning for nuclear contingencies.”

Go Myong-hyun, a analysis fellow at Seoul’s Asan Institute, was upbeat. The declaration is “totally different” to what had been the case prior and “NGC” is a play on NATO acronym NPG (Nuclear Planning Group), Mr. Go mentioned.

“The mechanism had been capped at the consultation level — it was a mode of briefing and debriefing, where the U.S. side would tell the Korean side,” Mr. Go mentioned. “NATO’s NPG has two components: one is consultative, one is about nuclear use components, which is operationalized through dual-capable aircraft.”

The new NCG “is a first step toward a proper NPG,” which might be “realistically speaking, the maximum form of nuclear sharing any ally can aspire to,” Mr. Go mentioned. “The U.S. offered a lot more than I thought would be possible at this juncture, it all happened sooner than I expected.”

Mr. Moon, who has suggested the left-leaning Seoul governments which have engaged in summitry with North Korea, was downbeat.

“The consultation is not automatic, it is situational,” he mentioned. “It says ‘make every effort’ — which means it may not consult with South Korea.”

Moreover, “Nuclear operations will be done by the U.S. alone and South Korea will provide conventional support,” Mr. Moon mentioned. “It is the same as before — it is more symbolic than substantive.”

The declaration additionally states that South Korea “has full confidence in U.S. extended deterrence commitments.”

South Korea’s best-selling newspaper, the Chosun Ilbo, was unconvinced, arguing that the declaration places “shackles” on Seoul coverage.

“The question remains whether Washington will really protect Seoul even if that places U.S. territory in the crosshairs of North Korea’s nuclear missiles,” the right-wing paper, which helps the conservative Mr. Yoon, mentioned in an editorial. “According to a survey early this year, half of South Koreans doubt that the U.S. will exercise its nuclear deterrence capabilities in the event of an emergency” in Korea.

In January, Mr. Yoon generated shock waves when he hinted, off hand, at the potential of Seoul buying nuclear arms.

That situation was finessed — to U.S. satisfaction — within the declaration. “President Yoon reaffirmed the ROK’s longstanding commitment to its obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty,” it reads.

“It was hasty to jettison South Korea’s right to protect its sovereignty and people at a time when North Korea is repeatedly threatening to launch a nuclear attack against it,” the Chosun fumed.

An extra signal of U.S. dedication to South Korea would be the go to of ballistic-missile submarines; such visits had halted after 1989.

Noting that the U.S. fleet solely possesses 14 Ohio-class ships, Mr. Go was impressed that priceless belongings are “being set aside … to defend South Korea.”

And one skilled warned towards simplistic interpretations.

It was quietly revealed in March that Seoul is upgrading its protection matrix from a strictly kinetic “kill chain” to the extra superior, U.S. idea of a “kill web,” which maximally integrates all domains.

From that viewpoint, the institutionalization of bilateral mechanisms gives actual worth.